Question

1a. Who are policy actors?

b.Using examples in Ghana, briefly discuss any four (4) roles Policy actors have played during
this period of COVID-19.

2a. Explain any three(3) challenges of decentralization in Ghana.
b. Explain with examples the social, legal and political functions of local government units in a state.

Answer 1

1 a. In addition to context serving as a source of power to shape policy actors actions, inactions and choices, policy actors also wield power by virtue of their political and administrative position, knowledge, experience, and financial commitment.

B.

March 12, 2020 Ghanaians woke up to the news that the coronavirus had “entered the country”. This brought shivers down the spines because most had prayed that the country would be spared as was the case during the Ebola pandemic. The disease dominated discussions on the airwaves and people were particularly interested in where it came from and who brought it in. Everybody was surprised and scared. The foundation of our system was shaken, and the parts began to move!!

In an address to the nation on 15th March, the President of the Republic of Ghana, H.E Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo, officially confirmed six COVID-19 cases and provided an update on Ghana’s enhanced response.

His Government established an inter-ministerial committee and prepared a coronavirus response programme to achieve five key objectives: limit and stop the importation of the virus; contain its spread; provide adequate care for the sick; limit the impact of the virus on social and economic life; and, inspire the expansion of our domestic capabilities and deepen our self-reliance.

All external borders were closed. Public gatherings, including conferences, workshops, funerals, festivals, political rallies, sporting events and religious activities, such as services in churches and mosques, were suspended. Private burials were permitted with no more than 25 mourners. All universities, senior high schools, and basic schools were closed until further notice. The Attorney General was directed to submit emergency legislation to Parliament. Further directive was given to the Minister for Health to exercise his powers, under section 169 of the Public Health Act, 2012 (Act 851).

Government machinery for combating the disease was fully activated: all sub national structures (Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs)) were directed to form cross-sectoral committees and to prepare emergency response plans. The President held meetings with Christian and Muslim leaders to pray for the nation; traditional authorities to rally the people; leadership of political parties to rally their supporters; the medical association and scientists to strategise on combating the disease; pharmaceutical companies to diversify and produce essential medicines; Trade Unions to discuss labour issues; the textile and fashion industry to diversify production to personal protective equipment (PPEs).

As the disease continued to spread, the Ghana Medical Association and other organisations called for further restrictions. In his third address to the nation on 28th March, 2020, the President imposed a partial lockdown in the so-called “hotspots” of infection in Greater Accra (including the sprawling township of Kasoa); Greater Kumasi; and Tema.

This seemed to catch most Ghanaians unprepared, resulting in a degree of panic and chaos. Some tried to flee to other parts of the country, others were rushing home from trips outside restricted areas. Many rushed to stockpile food and essential items, which caused hyper-inflation.

It is one system after all
Usually, sectoral problems are dealt with by the relevant governmental ministry, department and agency (MDAs). Under business as usual, COVID-19 would have been the sole responsibility of the Ministry of Health, Ghana Health Service and allied institutions.  

COVID-19 is different. It is not just a disease but an invisible enemy that is waging an unconventional war on the whole world; a war with no guns, missiles or artillery fire, with no one giving the order to shoot; but with a very simple war strategy that demands human acts of discipline: washing hands with soap under running water; keeping social distances; avoiding crowded areas; and, seeking medical attention when one develops the known symptoms. This requires changes in behaviours, attitudes and perceptions that sound simple but are more difficult to plan and implement than warfare, which is conducted under strict command and control.

Recognising the need for strong focused leadership and collective action, the President set out his strategy (his five key objectives) and called on all to play their part. He has used periodic national addresses not only to update Ghanaians or introduce new measures but to rally continued support.

2. A. Power in Ghana, as elsewhere in Africa, is diffused
among different registers of power whether they be economic, political, or
traditional, which creates an array of potential suppliers of solutions for pro-
blems encountered by the public. If the public is pragmatic and understands
challenges faced without regard to which institution provides a solution then
we would naturally expect citizens to seek out a variety of institutional actors. The challenge facing successful decentralisation policies is whether the public can manoeuvre through the variety of choice.

The implementation of decentralisation faces both structural and insti-
tutional challenges ranging from disconnects between power and capacity,
patrimonialism, clientelism, and the presence of informal institutions
shaping choices and behaviours. These pre-existing
challenges point to the need to conceive of local governance as a broader
concept that reaches beyond the formalities of decentralisation. One particu-
larly fruitful path forward relies on reconsidering how formal democratic gov-
ernance institutions can be developed within the structural and contextual
conditions in which countries across Africa find themselves.
For example, Myers argue that decentralisation can be
effective when formal institutions, such as District Assemblies, are complemented by and cooperate with traditional institutions, such as Chiefs. Such
an approach is consistent with a view of institutions, not as monolithic, but
as malleable, with the result that unpredictable combinations may prove
the most effective.
Determining which institutions or combinations prove to be the most effective at delivering services and solving problems appears to be a central
challenge of decentralisation policies. Conventional supply-driven approaches
that emphasise government leaders and officials actively engaged in the provision of public goods and the attendant institutions necessary to deliver such
policy promises have not proven very successful in the African context.